— A superpower
(An article of Louis Even, first published in the January, 1970 issue of the Vers Demain Journal.)
generally distinguish three powers belonging to the Government: the
legislative, the executive, and the judiciary.
legitimate and sovereign government of any free country must possess the
power to make laws to regulate relationships between citizens and
established bodies, without having to ask permission from a foreign
authority. This is the exercise of the legislative power.
the government of a sovereign country must be able to administer the
nation in conformity with its laws and its constitution, without having
to submit its actions to a foreign government for approval. This is the
exercise of the executive power.
the government of a sovereign country must possess the right to enforce
the laws of the country, to prosecute and condemn those who transgress
them, to pass judgment on the litigation's between citizens throughout
that country, without having to request the authority to do so from a
foreign government. This is the exercise of the judiciary power.
these three powers — the legislative, the executive, and the judiciary
— are the great constituted powers of any sovereign government, there
is another power, not labelled as such, but which exceeds these three
powers, and which dominates governments themselves.
superpower, which did not receive authority from any constitution, and
which does not worry about it, any more than would a thief in the
exercise of his function, is the
monetary power is not the money that you may have in your wallet. It is
not the stocks nor the bonds that you may have in your portfolio. It is
not the taxes that the governments of the three levels — local,
provincial, federal — take from you, without ever being satisfied. It
is not the pay raises, for which the trade unions yell, and over which
they declare strikes. It is not even the industrial dividends that some
Socialists would like to take away from capitalists and to see
distributed to wage-earners, without having calculated the insignificant
drop that each one would get from them. The monetary power is not what
some governments call inflation, and what some employees call a rise in
the standard of living, while governments and trade unions contribute to
inflation as much as they can, the former by their ever-increasing
taxes, the latter by their demands for wage or salary increases.
all this is small stuff compared to the stature and the power of the
superpower that we are denouncing, this power that can make our lives
“hard, cruel, and relentless”, in the words of Pope Pius XI in his
Encyclical Letter Quadragesimo
Anno. It can even make life almost impossible, as Pius XI
expressed it so well in this same encyclical:
“This power becomes particularly irresistible when exercised by those who, because they hold and control money, are able also to govern credit and determine its allotment, for that reason supplying, so to speak, the lifeblood to the entire economic body, and grasping, as it were, in their hands the very soul of production, so that no one dare breathe against their will.”
strong words may look immoderate to those who are unaware, on the one
hand, of the role of money and credit in economic life, and on the other
hand, of the control to which money and credit are subjected. But the
Pope did not exaggerate at all.
blood of economic life
us recall immediately, without explaining it here, that financial credit
has the same virtue as cash in economic life. One buys materials,
services, work, products, as much with cheques — which simply transfer
figures from one account to another in bank ledgers — as with coins or
paper money, which go from a client to the local retailer at the corner
store. It is the money of figures (cheques) that activates the more
economic life, being responsible for more than 80 percent of the total
financial operations of our nation's commerce and industry. The generic
term “money” can therefore refer to both forms of means of payment.
said this, let us see if money has such a considerable role in economic
life, and if its control has really the superpower that the Pope
attributes to it.
may have been the conditions of economic life in past centuries, it is
undeniable that today money (or credit) is indispensable in maintaining
a multiple-source production in activity called for by the private or
public needs of the population. It is indispensable also to allow this
production to reach the needs that it must satisfy.
money to pay for materials and labour, the best entrepreneur must stop
producing, and the supplier of materials will have to reduce his own
production accordingly. The employees of the one and the other will
suffer from it, remaining with their needs and leaving other producers
with unsold products. And the chain goes on. It is a well-known fact
that entire populations have suffered from it.
same applies to public bodies. The public needs can be pressing, very
much felt, well expressed and very well understood by public
administrations. But if these public administrations are without money,
or lack sufficient money, their undertakings must be set aside.
is lacking in such a state of affairs? Materials? Manpower? Competence?
Nothing of this sort. The only thing lacking is money, financial credit,
the “lifeblood of the economic body”. Let the blood flow, and the
economic body will function once again. If it is a long time in coming,
businessmen will lose their concerns, owners their properties, families
their daily bread, health or even the lives of children, and often peace
in their homes.
what can one do? Is this not an inevitable situation that one must
fatally endure? — Not at all. If blood is lacking in the economic
body, it is because it was removed. And if it comes back, it is because
it was re-injected.
and injection of blood are not spontaneous operations. It is the
controllers of money and credit who can “determine its allotment...
thus supplying the lifeblood to the entire economic body”. One needs
their consent to live; Pius XI was right.
his Encyclical Letter, the Pope did not explain the mechanism of the
extraction and injection of blood, nor did he define concrete ways to
remove the economic body from the control of these malicious surgeons.
This was not his role. His role was to denounce and condemn a
dictatorship, the source of incalculable woes for society, for families,
for the people, not only in a material sense, but by creating
unwarranted difficulties for each soul in the pursuit of a destiny which
must be his own for all eternity. And the Pope spoke out and said what
he had to say. Alas! too few heeded his words, and the denounced
dictatorship has since consolidated its position more and more. The
alleviation that the Pope's words may have allowed was allowed only to
maintain a power, of which the effects had become so obvious that they
were hard to conceal.
fact, the sudden return of a blood flow in an economic body, which had
been entirely deprived of it for many years, could not but impress even
those who knew nothing about its mechanism. This bolt of lightning
occurred in September of 1939. The day before, a bloodless economic body
paralyzed developed countries. The declaration of war, in which these
same countries were to participate, suddenly brought back all the blood,
all the money, all the financial credit, which these nations would need
during the six-year war. It called into play all of their human and
power is the power of issuing the nation's money and credit; the power
of conditioning the putting of money and credit into circulation; the
power of determining the length of time of circulation of this financial
credit; the power of demanding the return of money at a term fixed
beforehand, on pain of confiscation of goods, which are the fruit of the
labour of those being subjected to confiscation; the power of bringing
governments into subjection, of fixing for them also the conditions of
its release and of its return, of demanding as a guarantee the power
that all governments have of taxing their citizens.
this financial credit, this money, is the permission to make use of the
production capacity, not of the controllers, but of the country's
population. The controllers of money and credit do not cause a single
stalk of wheat to grow, do not produce one pair of shoes, do not
manufacture one sole brick, do not dig into a mine shaft, do not pave
one square inch of road. It is the country's population that carries out
these projects. It is therefore its own real credit. But to be able to
use it, one needs the approval of the controllers of money, of the
financial credit, which is nothing more than the registering of
figures in the banks' ledgers, representing the value of the nation's
banker's pen which consents or refuses to give to individuals, to
corporations, to governments, the right to mobilize the skills of
professionals, the nation's natural resources, that pen commands; it
grants or refuses; it sets conditions on the financial permits that it
gives; it puts into debt those individuals or governments to whom it
grants permits. The banker's pen has the power of a scepter in the hands
of a superpower — the monetary power.
endured ten years of economic paralysis. Not one government thought it
had the power to put an end to it. A declaration of war came, and the
financial permits to produce, to draft, to destroy and to kill, suddenly
parliamentary sessions in Ottawa — each lasting several months —
were unable to find a solution to the anti-natural crisis, which was
starving and depriving entire families in front of unsold products, and
of the possibility of creating much more.
a so-called urgent six-day session, September 7-13, 1939, was enough for
them to decide to enter full speed ahead into a war which was to cost
billions of dollars. A quick and unanimous decision was made. A minister
from Mackenzie King's Cabinet, J. H. Harris, spoke with all the
eloquence he could muster: “Canada,” he proclaimed, “has its eyes
glued on this House. Therefore, are we not obliged to see to it that
there is within this House a unity of action and of thoughts? The reason
is evident; Christianity, democracy, and personal freedom are at
and personal freedom had not seemed to him to have been at stake, not
any more than to the Government to which he belonged, all the years
during which time Canadian families were destroyed by being unable to
get bread; during which time youths were taking refuge in concentration
camps — also called work camps —
in order to get a meager ration in return for their total
servitude; during which time men buried themselves in the bush; during
which time unemployed, able-bodied men roamed from one town to the next;
during which time others sought shelter in shacks that they had
constructed out of pieces of sheet metal or tar paper, salvaged from the
dumping grounds of the city of Montreal...
what did Christianity and personal freedom gain from a war which split
up Germany, while putting a part of it, as well as ten other entire
Christian countries, under the yoke of the Communist bloodthirsty
Harris and the others knew that going to war was the condition to bring
back into the economic body the blood controlled by the superpower, the
is not a worse tyranny than that of the monetary power: a tyranny which
makes itself felt in all homes, in all institutions, in all public
administrations, in all governments.
from whence does this superpower take its authority? The other three
governmental powers obtain their authority from their country's
Constitution. But what constitution was able to give to a superpower the
right to hold governments themselves under its thumb?
fact that this same state of affairs exists in all developed countries
does not justify this monstrosity. It only goes to show that the
superpower of money and credit holds all the civilized world in its
tentacles. This makes it even more diabolical.
it is a diabolical power, but which took on a sacred aura, to such an
extent that one looked for the causes of our economic and social woes
everywhere, except in the operation of the money and credit system. It
is permitted to look somewhere else; but in the monetary system, that is
not permitted, not even for the sovereign governments.
took the light of Social Credit, coming from a genius, C. H. Douglas, to
break up this sacred aura, and to unmask a tyranny which has not in the
least any characteristic of sacredness. And it took Social Credit
apostles to spread this light. But how many souls, who should be more
able to understand, to distinguish between a system of domination and a
body of service, have chosen to close their ears or their eyes for
reasons of pride or private interests!
constitutional monetary power
implementation of Social Credit — which we will not explain here, the
“Michael” Journal having explained it many times before, and for
sure to explain it many times again in the future — would kill this
superpower, the scourge of humanity.
is needed in its stead is a monetary power, established by constitution
or by law, in order to make of the monetary organism an organism at the
service of the community, as are the other three services mentioned
is needed is a monetary power exercised by an organism similar to the
judiciary system, staffed with qualified accountants, instead of judges.
These accountants would, like judges, fulfill their duties independently
of the powers that be. They would base their operations — additions,
subtractions, or rules of three — on statistics which do not depend
upon them, but on the statements of the production and consumption of
the country, resulting from the free activities of free producers to
respond to the orders freely expressed by free consumers.
means that money and credit would only be the faithful reflection, the
expression in figures, of economic realities.
is the constitutive law of such a monetary power that would set down
this end to the organism thus established. The organism would supply the
necessary financial credits to the population so that it can order the
goods it needs from the country's production capacity. And as it is the
individuals and the families themselves who know best what they need,
the monetary organism would be obligated, by its very constitution, to
supply to each individual and to each family the necessary income for
them to be able to order at least the basic necessities of life for a
decent standard of living. This is what Social Credit calls a dividend
given to each citizen, regardless of his status of employment or
unemployment in production.
the same monetary organism would supply to the producers the required
financial credits to make use of the country's production capacity, in
response to the orders thus expressed by the consumers. It would do so
for public needs as well as for private needs.
the pen of an usurped superpower can create or refuse, according to the
will of this tyrant, the financial credit, based on the nation's real
credit, the pen from a constitutional monetary power would be as
effective to issue the financial credit, to the service of the
population, of all the members of society. This end would be specified
in the law.
would no longer be purely financial hindrances. Getting into debt to
foreign bankers for things that we can produce in our own country —
this preposterousness would cease to exist. Prices going up, when
production becomes easier and more plentiful — such an inconsistency
would cease to exist in a monetary body obligated, by law, to make of
the financial aspects of the economy the exact reflection of reality.
The seeking of new job creations while the machine, instead of human
labour, supplies products — such a ridiculous policy would be
relegated to a past history of subjection to a monster. The astronomical
waste, due to the production of things useless to the normal needs of
people, with the sole end of creating jobs, would be banned as a lack of
responsibility to the generations which must succeed us.
thousands of other things as well will ensue with the establishment of a
monetary power of service, and with the doing away with the unbearable
rule that wants to link income solely to employment, when the first
effect of progress should be to free man from economic tasks in order to
allow him to freely devote himself to activities which are less
materialistic, and to tend towards the blossoming out of his personality