— Society Exists
first part of a talk given by Louis Even on Radio-Canada on January 19,
The dividend, a means to an end
would be a very narrow idea of Social Credit to consider it merely as a
monetary reform. The scope of Social Credit is much more vast. It is a
whole philosophy — the very philosophy of association — that Social
Credit wants to be fully respected in politics and economics.
Too many people believe that they have said everything about Social Credit by calling it, disdainfully, an impossible promise of $25 a month ($800 a month in 2004) to each of the country's citizens.
a monthly dividend of $800 to each citizen is a highly reachable
objective, if you consider the country's products, but a very
unreachable objective, if you must obtain permission first from the
diabolical heads who regulate and set conditions at will on the volume
and circulation of money in the country.
periodical and free dividend to each member of society is part of one of
the proposals of Social Credit, because, in today's world, with
production mainly resulting from the subdivision of labour and the
ever-growing contributions of applied science, there is no other means
than the dividend to realize the philosophy of Social Credit in
association for the associates
is the philosophy of Social Credit? Has Social Credit got a philosophy?
Credit proclaims a philosophy which had existed as long as men have
lived in society, but which is terribly ignored in practice — more
than ever in this day and age.
philosophy, as old as society itself — therefore as old as the human
race — is the philosophy of association.
are high-flown words:
philosophy of association. Nevertheless it is the one concept
that is in the minds of all men who group, band together, for a definite
are ten farmers from the same country road who join together to
transport their milk to the dairy. Why do they join together? Because
they are all convinced that, in this way, each one will get more
advantages than if each one had to see to his own affairs separately.
None of them loses out, and it is in the interest of all to make the
best use of their time and transportation facilities.
motive which causes them to join together is the confidence that each
one of them will draw an advantage from the association.
is, moreover, this same principle which is at the base of co-operatives
of all kinds.
is true of the association of ten people, what is true of all
associations, big or small, working-class or agricultural, sports or
cultural, lay or religious, is just as true of the general society which
we call the State, whether it be a Canadian province or the
Confederation of the ten provinces.
philosophy of association is therefore the joining together of all
associates for the good of the associates, of each associate.
for all of its members
Credit is the philosophy of association applied to the general society,
the province, the nation.
exists for the benefit of all the members of society, for each and every
one. It would be an insult to a man if you told him:
you are part of society; you cannot escape from it, because the matter
does not concern a particular enterprise, but deals with social order.
You will therefore obey all the laws, you will fulfill all of your
obligations as a citizen, or society shall punish you. But do not expect
anything from society. You could, without being at fault, find yourself
without shelter, bread, protection: society would not give a darn about
you: others will benefit from it, not you.”
talk this way would obviously alienate a man from society, or provoke
his revolt against the existing state of affairs.
in our present social organization, although no one officially talks
this way, a great number of citizens feel frustrated by being denied the
advantages of society. And when the number of frustrated citizens is too
great, or if the frustration lasts too long, these frustrated citizens
often revolt against society. Their revolt is not without provocation.
can write and expostulate as much as you wish against the Anarchists,
the Communists, or the Socialists: But if society continues to be an
organization in which a handful of people exploits the great number, if
applied science and the progress of generations serves only to make
outcasts, starving, or war-driven people, nothing, absolutely nothing
will prevent the insurrection of the masses that one immolates.
could imprison those who break windows to steal products. But it would
be much wiser to begin to imprison those who have caused for decades the
accumulation of products behind windows, under the masses' hungry eyes.
The prisons would be less crowded, but better utilized.
there is a better solution than anarchy. Instead of revolting and
levelling everything off, we can organize to impose a reform — a
reform to make all members of society, all without exception, the real
beneficiaries of the social organization. And that is precisely what the
Social Credit Movement seeks to accomplish.
Credit, the opposite of monopolies
Credit is a doctrine which stipulates that society exists for the
benefit of all of its citizens.
is for this reason that Social Credit is, by definition, the opposite of
any monopoly: the economic monopoly, the political monopoly, the
prestige monopoly, the brutal-force monopoly.
us define Social Credit as a system of society at the service of each
and every one of its members, in which politics is at the service of
each and every one of the citizens, and economics is at the service of
each and every one of the consumers.
let us define monopoly: the exploitation of the social organization at
the service of a few privileged individuals, in which politics is at the
service of clans called parties, and economics is at the service of a
few financiers, of a few ambitious and unscrupulous entrepreneurs.
monopoly ignores the rights of the multitude that it exploits. Social
Credit claims rights for the least and smallest of the citizens.
habit of thinking about monopolies in terms of big industrial
enterprises is too prevalent. An enterprise can be large, and yet can
serve the mass of the consumers, without being a monopoly but a
well-organized business that serves the population.
constitutes the noxious character of a monopoly is not so much its size
as its unhealthy and antisocial objective. Its fault is that it uses
dishonest means to suppress competitors and to bribe governments, which
results in the easy exploitation of society for the benefit of a few.
monopoly of money is protected
often, those who condemn monopolies stop at specified industrial
monopolies: the electric monopoly, the coal monopoly, the oil monopoly,
the sugar monopoly, etc. They ignore the most pernicious of all
monopolies in the field of economics: the monopoly of money and credit;
the monopoly that changes a country's progress into public debts; the
monopoly which, by controlling the volume of money, regulates the human
beings' standard of living, without any relation to the realities of
production and the needs of families.
monopoly of party politics
too often, one forgets that politics, which ought to see to the
stabilization of economics, has itself become a monopoly. But because
this monopoly is present in the form of political parties, and because
party politics struts under the name of democracy, the people are
taken-in. They think that political parties were made for them, whereas
they were made to exploit them. The proof lies in the results.
Let us point out, in passing, that political parties are very careful not to denounce the money monopoly; the other monopolies are criticized (it is in style to win votes), but of the money monopoly, not a word is said. Likewise, the money monopoly is very careful not to put up obstacles to party politics. The big economic monopoly and the big political monopoly seem to have passed a kind of gentlemen's agreement between themselves, a mutual accord to protect each other, at the people's expense.
have read, in a private letter, signed by a former Premier of the
Province of Quebec, the expression “the sacrosanct-monopolizing
finance”. But this expression, this “sacrosanct-monopolizing
finance,” did not often appear in the public acts of this Premier,
while the province's credit during his term in office, as before and
ever since, was graciously offered to this same sacrosanct-monopolizing
will understand that the Social Crediters fight simultaneously the money
monopoly, because they want economics to be at the service of all
consumers, and party politics, because they want politics to respond to
the good of all citizens.